The Relationship between the BBC and Public Broadcasting Corporation Essay

The Relationship between the BBC and Public Broadcasting Corporation and the Commercial Sectors - Essay Example First, before going into BBC’s relationship as a public broadcasting corporation with the commercial sectors, it is helpful to identify first what is meant by public service broadcasting. The Communications Act 2003 (CA 2003) sets a duty on the Office of Communications (Ofcom) to obtain accessibility of a broad range of both â€Å"television and radio services† all over the United Kingdom that is of high quality and considered to draw diverse â€Å"tastes and interests† (Communications Act 2003 s. 264); and to keep an adequate number of providers for various â€Å"television and radio services† (Ridgway 48). While the Communications Act has not defined what comprises â€Å"public service programming†, the Office of Communications (â€Å"Ofcom†) characterized this kind of programming by setting forth â€Å"its  purposes  and  characteristics.†Ã‚   Ridgway in his article â€Å"All change for public service broadcasting in the UK?à ¢â‚¬  enumerates the following purposes and characteristics of public service broadcasting: Purposes: †¢Ã‚  Informing our understanding of the world  --to inform ourselves and others, and to increase our understanding of the world through news, information and analysis of current events and ideas.Stimulating knowledge and learning --to stimulate our interest in and knowledge of arts, science, history and other topics, through content that is accessible and can encourage informal learning. †¢Ã‚  Reflecting UK cultural identity  --to reflect and strengthen our cultural identity through original programming in the United Kingdom, at both national and regional levels, on occasion bringing audiences together for shared experiences. †¢Ã‚  Representing diversity and alternative viewpoints  --to make us aware of different cultures and alternative viewpoints through programmes that reflect the lives of other people and other communities, both within the United Kingdom a nd elsewhere. Characteristics: †¢Ã‚  High quality  --well funded and well produced. †¢Ã‚  Original  --new UK content rather than repeats or acquisitions. †¢Ã‚  Innovative  --breaking new ideas or reinventing exciting approaches, rather than copying old ones. †¢Ã‚  Challenging  --making viewers think. †¢Ã‚  Engaging  --remaining accessible and attractive to viewers. †¢Ã‚  Widely available  --if content is publicly funded, a large majority of citizens need the chance to watch it. (48) McGonagle on the other hand, defines public service broadcasting (PSB) as those broadcasted TV programs which are for the benefit of the public instead of solely for commercial ends (235). These programs consist of â€Å"local news coverage, arts programs, religious broadcasts, and augmented broadcasts featuring (for example) subtitling, visual signing and audio description† (McGonagle 235). It may also include â€Å"original drama, documentaries and chil dren's programming† (Ridgway 49). A particular quota on â€Å"public service broadcasts† is also required in their â€Å"license to broadcast,† in accordance with Ofcom’s regulations (Ridgway 49). The objectives on the other hand for the so-called â€Å"plural public service broadcast provision† are the following: â€Å"Sources of high quality impartial news at local, regional as well as national level, including the nations as well as the United Kingdom as a whole;† high level â€Å"original British content†; a broad range of both â€Å"voices and talent from across the whole United Kingdom,† to guarantee â€Å"continuation and development of creative talent clusters in the regions and nations,† currently assured â€Å"through regional production quotas on some public service broadcasters†; â€Å"guaranteed levels of investment in independent production† in order to ensure the supply of â€Å"the best crea tive ideas and the healthy development of this

What is egovernment, what was its goal and has it worked Assignment

What is egovernment, what was its goal and has it worked - Assignment Example though installation of e-government is predicted to boost the economy in various ways, it attracts different reactions as far as its sustainability is concerned. Preview of the existing governments that have used it like in United States and Europe gives an insight into the pros and cons of this program. Critical assessment of past literature and the observed global socio-economic and political trend offers the best platform to debate this phenomenon. The relevance of e-government is significantly supported as it seeks to improve public and private partnership in the emerging service delivery models. The increasing debate on quality of service delivery in the public sector has seen growth in e-government. This concept is seen as boosting efficiency and effectiveness of the functionality of the government in its service delivery responsibility to the people. In this wake of public-private partnership, incorporation of information and communication technology in various activities is inevitable. In this respect, various governments have sought to apply e-government towards competitive execution of its services for internal and external interactions .E-government is a means of ‘electronic governance’. It is the use of Information Technology in the functioning of a government so as to have good and smart governance. Smart implies ‘Moral, Simple, Responsive, Accountable, and transparent’. This constitutes the use of information and communication technology by the agencies of the government so as to have transparency while dealing with different issues (Affis co, et al. 2006). E-government has significant role in improving the efficiency of various arms of government in their different duties. However, there are criticisms that are seen as regards its implementation and sustainability in this era of increasing cybercrime among other ICT related challenges. The overall gains that have been made and the prospective benefits that are associated with implementing

How Can Teachers Help Pupils To Learn Education Essay

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The Natural History of Mahogany :: Botany

The Natural History of Mahogany Swietenia macrophylla and S. humilis are referred to as Mahogany, a tropical evergreen or deciduous tree that can attain heights of 150 feet. Mahogany is a member of the Meliaceae, which includes other trees with notable wood for cabinet making. Swietenia macrophylla is world renowned for its beautifully grained, hard, red-brown wood. It has been harvested since 1500 A.D. for its wood, with large branches being in higher demand than the trunk. This is due to the closeness of the grain in the branch's wood. Mahogany is used for furniture, fixtures, musical instruments, millwork, cars, ships, boats, caskets, airplanes, foundry patterns, veneer, and plywood (Hill, 1952). In Costa Rica, the only population of Mahogany exists in the Guanacaste-Puntarenas region where the tropical dry forests occur. Both of the species' ranges overlap in this region, with Bigleaf Mahogany, S. macrophylla, extending from the Bolivian Amazon up the Atlantic and Gulf Coast to Mexico, while Pacific Coast Mahogany, S. humilis, ranges from Mexico down the Pacific Coast to 9 degrees N in Costa Rica. The two species defy taxonomy and interbreed to form a hybrid. The hybrid grows quicker than either parent species, has intermediate characteristics, and high quality wood (Everett, 1982). Mahogany is never very abundant, even in undisturbed forests, with a density of only one tree per hectare. This, along with the destruction of tropical forests has added to the growing scarcity of Mahogany. The normal habitat of S. macrophylla and S. humilis is lowland tropical or subtropical forest, with average annual rainfall totals between 1 and 2.5 meters. If the tree is in tropical moist or wet forests, it will lose its leaves briefly. However, in tropical dry forests, such as Guanacaste, the tree will be leafless for a few months. Mahogany has pinnately-compound leaves composed of 4 to 6, ovate-acuminate leaflets. The leaf is often without a terminal leaflet. The bark has vertical scales, giving it the appearance of Silver Maple or White Oak bark. The flowers are imperfect, with greater numbers of male than female flowers. Each flower is small, yellow-white, and borne in a panicle at the end of the dry season. The fruits of the Mahogany will ripen during January-March in the Guanacaste region of Costa Rica. They are 4 to 6 inch woody capsules which contain up to 40 wind-dispersed seeds, similar to those of an Ash tree.

Drugs and Alcohol in the Workplace

Use of Drugs and Alcohol in the Workplace {draw:frame} {draw:frame} Figure 2 79% of binge drinkers are members of the workforce (Drug-Free Workplace) {draw:frame} {draw:frame} Drug and/or Alcohol Use Seriously Threatens Organizations {draw:frame} Excessive absenteeism, which holds a significantly percentage of occurrences of drug users as cited above, costs an organization lower productivity, damaged moral and consequently lower product quality. The US Dept of Labor reports that annually, 500 million work days are lost solely due to alcoholism. In addition to absenteeism lowering moral, workplace theft is an experienced and related problem. Approximately 18% of cocaine users steal at work, from either the employer or their co-workers (Facts for Employers). Programs Focus on Testing to Reduce or Eliminate These Problems Reasons For and Methods of Drug Testing in the Workplace Typical drug screens detect the presence of several drugs in the body. Although tests can be specifically designed, the most typical tests are designed to detect alcohol, amphetamines, cocaine, heroin, marijuana, methamphetamines, morphine, opiates and PCP (Gottlieb). In addition to the above list of common drugs, tests can be designed to detect the use of prescription medications often usedfor recreational use. In many cases, such as the MUST Program, the consequences of positive test results often result in immediate suspension or permanent discharge (Policy; XXXX, Interview). Opposition to Drug Testing Conclusion Although not a position embraced by the American Civil Liberties Union and other various opponents, the use of drugs and alcohol in the work place has been reported to be rampant and dangerous. It is a multi-billion dollar problem to all organizations, of all sized and within all industries. The concerns associated with workplace drug use are financial, physical and safety issues. Summary Since the 1970’s, drug use in the workplace has become not only common, but rampant. The annual financial impact to the business world associated with this problematic use has beencalculated to be in the hundreds of billions of dollars. The fiscal consequences of this behavior dramatically reduce the bottom line profit of any affected organization. Higher than average insurance rates are commonplace to organizations encountering this issue, which reduces the profits for all shareholders. Certain industries are more susceptible to drug use than others. They are also the industries that realize higher safety issues and encounter more dangerous workplace conditions. Construction and manufacturing are two industries affected more than most. The Department of Labor, citing examples of dramatic results, reported that due to the implementation of comprehensive prevention programs, many companies had a turn-around in incidents and related costs. They used examples of companies ranging in size of a small local plumbing company in Washington DC to the large international group, CSX Transportation Corporation. The companies were reported to have all benefited in many ways, from drastically reduced positive test results to reduced insurance costs or ancillary problems that are inevitable with these problems. It is further suggested that drug use in the workplace can be prevented (elaws). Preventing these costly behaviors would only increase overall safety in the workplace and result in overall higher profits for the shareholders. Although deemed by opponents to be an expensive course of action, especially to smaller organizations with limited resources, employee drug testing is commonly believed to be quite effective at combating workplace drug use, thereby promoting a potentially safer worksite and a higher profit for the organization. The cost of the prevention is well worth the effort. Recommendations Appendix A Primary Research – Interview XXXX, Vice President of XXXXXXXXXXXXXXX _Do you feel the use of drugs and/or alcohol are common in your industry? Absolutely. We have a high ratio of young workers, from their mid-twenties to mid-forties, who typically are drawn to this field. These are guys who you might find at the end of a bar any given night, or might be a once occasional drug user who went bad. What is the financial impact to this industry-wide problem? Most of all, we are saddled with high insurance rates, specifically liability and Workers Compensation rates. There is a formula for determi ning rates, and those rates are based on experience modifiers, among other things. Guys who use at work in our industry are an accident waiting to happen. You can’t be safe on a construction site while you are intoxicated or high. Is the problem rampant in your company? We are pretty lucky. We haven’t had much of a problem in our company. Most of the men we have with us are family men, more concerned with going home after work and spending time with their families. They may enjoy a beer or two from time to time, but are not the kind of group who gets their paycheck and disappears for a few days. Being in this vulnerable industry, how do you combat the potential employee use of drugs and/or alcohol in your workplace? _ Like I said, we have a good group of guys working for us. But we hire smart. We screen our guys through a drug test and extensive referrals. A lot of our workforce recommends their family or friends to us as well. Are you contractually obligated to drug test? In some cases, yes. Several of the big General Contractors in the area, such as Turner, O’Neal, they all have a section in their standard contract requiring a written safety and drug-free program. Also, being union, we are all required to tet once a year, even management. What are your procedures for drug testing? We prescreen test, and random test throughout the year. Annual physicals and accident testing isn’t uncommon. We send the guys to Kroll, through the MUST program. What do you test for? The typical, marijuana, cocaine, meth, etc. We don’t typically test for alcohol unless there is a problem and we need to protect ourselves. How do your employees feel about this policy? What are the consequences of positive test results? We have the right to terminate immediately. Unfortunately, we have exercised that right in the past. Usually, though, if we send a guy to the clinic for an unannounced test, and he knows he is dirty, we usually don’t see him again. But once again, the majority of our guys have been with us for a while, and we know them well, so it hasn’t been too much of a problem. Appendix B Primary Research – Interview _Do you feel the use of drugs and/or alcohol are common in your industry? _ Unfortunately yes. Construction has always had this problem. What are the specific concerns associated with this problem? _ Most importantly are the safety concerns. Someone using drugs could potentially cause the loss of life of him or other guys around him. We deal with a lot of equipment that can be hazardous under the best of conditions, and we need to have our faculties around us. Are there other costs or consequences that are a concern? There sure are. High Workers Comp rates, high liability rates, high cost of equipment that could be damaged due to miss-use, these are just some of the costs. That is why we have such a comprehensive drug policy. Does having a drug-free workforce help you in the industry? Sure. We are known as a safety conscience company, and our EMR rating proves it. Plus, some of the places where we do work won’t let us onsite without one. Motor City Casino, General Motors, Henry Ford Healthcare Systems, they all require written drug-free policies in our safety manual. Are the costs incurred due to your drug testing policy fiscally efficient? Yes, very much so. To send a guy in for a test is a heck of a lot cheaper than dealing with injuries or lawsuits. How do your employees feel about this policy? The ones who don’t like it are the ones who don’t last too long. What are the consequences of a positive test result? We have been pretty lucky in that regard. We haven’t had too much of a problem. But I will say, if a guy shows up on a jobsite high or drunk, the foreman or the other laborers will toss him out. One guy we sent to the clinic for a random test seemed nervous about it. He left the jobsite but never went to the clinic. He just quit and never came back. He was only with us for a few months by that time, and we were glad he never returned. Appendix C Primary Research – Interview Ms. Wendy Richardson, MUST Program Administrator How long has the MUST Program been around? Since 1988. We were the first in the XXXX Area. What is your most important focus? Primarily workplace safety, with drug-free workplace policies. _What is your _circle of industries? We have several unions and trade associations in our membership. We also have a lot of Owners such as Ford, GM, Chrysler, DTE, Servistall, all the hospitals in the area, DPS and the Airport (NW Terminal) Would you say the drug testing portion of the programs works? Yes, certainly. We had about 6% of the drug tests come back positive 6 years ago, and now we are seeing less than 2. 5% Are certain drugs more common than others? Although I am not privy to the test results, the typical positive tests are mostly positive across the board. Sometimes it is higher for one drug than another. Cocaine and marijuana are pretty popular, unfortunately. Appendix D The United States Constitution The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized. Appendix E Executive Order 12564 of September 15, 1986 Drug-Free Workplace Attached Works Cited XXXX, XXXX Personal Interview 4/1/09 â€Å"Drug Testing – A Bad Investment†. American Civil Liberties Union. 4/8/09 http://www. aclu. org/drugpolicy/testing/10842res20021021. html. Drug Testing in the Workplace†. ACLU. 3/17/09 < http://www. lectlaw. com/files/emp02. htm>. â€Å"elaws – Drug-Free Workplace Advisor†. US Department of Labor. 4/11/09 http://www. dol. gov/elaws/asp/drugfree/benefits. htm. Gottlieb, Mark. â€Å"Drug Testing – An Industry Standard†. MSG Accountants, Consultants & Business Valuators. 3/17/0 9 http://www. msgcpa. com/general. php? category=Industry+Library&headline=Drug+Testing. â€Å"How Drug Testing Works†. Prevention Not Punishment. 3/16/09 http://www. preventionnotpunishment. org/howsdt. html. Menzo, XXXX PersonalInterview 4/13/09 Richardson, Wendy Telephone Interview, 4/14/09

Political Economy and the Propaganda Model of Noam Chomsky

Using one of the case studies outlined by Chomsky & Herman in ‘Manufacturing Consent – The Political Economy of the Mass Media’, critically assess the main propositions put forward in their analysis of the mass media. Is the ‘Propaganda Model’ still relevant today? Noam Chomsky along with Edward Herman has developed the  Ã¢â‚¬Å"Propaganda Model†Ã‚  of the media works. They helped develop the detailed and sophisticated analysis of how the wealthy and powerful use the media to propagandise their own interests behind a mask of objective news reporting. Herman and Chomsky expound this analysis in their book  Ã¢â‚¬ËœManufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media’. In their 1988 book, Edward Herman and Noam Chomsky’s ‘propaganda model’ argues that there are 5 classes of ‘filters' in society which determine what is ‘news'; in other words, what gets broadcast by radio or printed in newspapers and shown on television. Herman and Chomsky's model also explains how dissent from the mainstream is given little, or zero, coverage, while governments and big business gain easy access to the public in order to convey their state-corporate messages. Noam Chomsky has been engaged in political activism most of his life; he spoke up firstly about the media coverage of Nicaragua. July 19, 1979 – the leftist  Frente Sandinista de Liberacion Nacional  (FSLN/Sandinistas) rolled into Managua, Nicaragua leader of the insurrection that had finally succeeded in overthrowing the dictator Anastasio Somoza Debayle. Then there was the election in 1984. The American coverage for the elections in Nicaragua and el Salvador are a key aspect which Chomsky and Herman cover in Manufacturing Consent, and one which Chomsky spoke of on many occasions. The media covered both elections in both countries simultaneously the American media condemned the outcome of the election in Nicaragua as a â€Å"soviet sham† because the new Nicaraguan government were against the American puppet government and were a more socialist country. Because President Reagan's war created a need for a propaganda victory, in December 1983 the Sandinistas outsmarted Washington by scheduling their first post-triumph election earlier than originally planned— 2 days before Americans would decide whether President Reagan should continue to lead the country. The Media coverage up to this point had been little in the way of truth, and of the actual happenings of Nicaragua in the past. What they were trying to achieve, for many years, and most of all about the upcoming elections of the time. The American press seemed to try and protect America’s interest and perception by the people, then to deliver unbiased reporting. The fact that most of the rest of the world was opposed to Reagan's terrorist activities didn’t filter through to the Americans. Most of the Nicaraguan people, along with many worldwide had hoped that if the Sandinistas won as expected, Washington would accept the results and call off President Reagan’s â€Å"freedom fighters†. This was a naive hope, as Secretary of State George P. Shultz made clear: â€Å"with or without elections we will continue our policy of pressuring Nicaragua†. Nicaragua was in the news on election night in the U. S, but the story that was in the news was not one on Nicaragua’s election. The story was of soviet MIGs. As reported by CBS Evening News on November 6, 1984, the soviet freighter Bakuriani was on its way to Nicaragua with MIG 21 fighters aboard. The ‘sham election’ story was succeeded quickly by the security threat story. The overwhelming majority of objective observers concluded that the election was conducted competently and fairly by the Supreme Electoral Council, and that all Nicaraguan political parties had been given ample opportunity and resources to campaign and get their messages out to the people without serious hindrance from the Sandinistas. While all this was going on, the American government stated on the complete flipside that the El Salvador election, whose victors were against the socialist uprising, was a victory for democracy. The Americans supported the oppressive party and condemned the socialists because it suited them and they could easily pass off the socialists as communists. The American government continued to support and fund the tyranny long after this travesty. â€Å"Only the naive believe that Sunday's election in Nicaragua was democratic or legitimizing proof of the Sandinistas' popularity. The result was ordained when opposition parties tamely accepted terms that barred them from power. This plebiscite will not end the struggle for pluralism in Nicaragua. But neither can it serve as justification for recent American policy. â€Å"The Sandinistas made it easy to dismiss their election as a sham. †¦ † Nobody Won in Nicaragua, Editorial, New York Times, Nov 7, 1984 pg. A26. â€Å"No major political tendency in Nicaragua was denied access to the electoral process in 1984. The only parties that did not appear on the ballot were absent by their own choice, not because of government exclusion. †¦ Opposition parties received their legal allotments of campaign funds and had regular and substantial access to radio and television. The legally registered opposition parties were able to hold the vast majority of their rallies unimpeded by pro-FSLN demonstrators or by other kinds of government interference. † (http://www. williamgbecker. com/lasa_1984. pdf)â € A member of the [opposition] Popular Social Christian Party, Jose Lazos said his party ‘recognized the percentage of the F. S. L. N. vote. ‘ ‘It was an honourable process', he said. † [Lazos also confided to the LASA delegation â€Å"We received the vote we expected†. LASA report, ibid. , p. 18. — B. B. ] â€Å"A team of observers from the Washington Office on Latin America, a church-sponsored lobbying group, said the electoral process had been ‘meaningful' and had provided a political opening in Nicaragua. â€Å"The group, in a statement prepared after the voting ended on Sunday, said the process had been ‘well-conceived' and had afforded ‘easy access to vote with guarantees of secrecy. †Ã‚  From  Sandinista Claims Big Election Victory, by Gordon Mott. New York Times, Nov 6, 1984. â€Å"However, [Virgilio Godoy, the PLI presidential candidate who dropped out the day after a visit from the U. S. ambassador] went on to compare favourably Nicaragua's election with presidential elections in El Salvador earlier this year. ‘If the US is going to try to be honest in evaluating these elections, it will be a real problem for the Reagan administration,' Mr. Godoy said. ‘If the US administration said that the Guatemalan and Salvadorian elections were valid ones, how can they condemn elections in Nicaragua, when they have been no worse and probably a lot better than elections in Salvador and Guatemala. ‘The elections here have been much more peaceful. There were no deaths as in the other two countries, where the opposition were often in fear for their lives. ‘† Nicaragua vote seen as better run than Salvador's By Dennis Volman, Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor November 5, 1984, p. 13. Managua, Nicaragua  Ã¢â‚¬Å"Reviewing the history of the negotiations between the FSLN and the opposition parties since 1981, and especially during the current election year, Stephen Kinzer, the Managua-based correspondent of The New York Times, told our delegation ‘The FSLN gave in on almost all of the opposition parties' demands concerning how the electoral process would be run. Their stance seemed to be, â€Å"if any clause of the election law causes serious controversy, we'll modify it. † Most of the opposition's complaints about the process had nothing to do with the mechanics of the elections, but rather were more general criticisms of the political system†¦. What some of these groups want is a complete change in the political system: to abolish the CDSs (Sandinista Defence Committees), get the Sandinistas out of the army, prohibit [incumbent] government officials from running for office, and so forth. In short, they want Nicaragua to become a parliamentary democracy first, before they will participate. But this isn't Switzerland! ‘ † (LASA report, ibid. , p. 12. )†Suppose that some power of unimaginable strength were to threaten to reduce the United States to the level of Ethiopia unless we voted for its candidates, demonstrating that the threat was real. Suppose that we refused, and the threat was then carried out, the country brought to its knees, the economy wrecked and millions killed. Suppose, finally, that the threat were repeated, loud and clear, at the time of the next scheduled elections. Under such conditions, only the most extreme hypocrite would speak of a free election. Furthermore, it is likely that close to 100% of the population would succumb. â€Å"Apart from the last sentence, I have just described U. S. -Nicaraguan relations for the last decade. † —Noam Chomsky, The Boston Globe, March 4, 1990El Salvador in 1982 and 1984, and Nicaragua in 1984, provide a virtually controlled experiment in media integrity or submissiveness. The U. S. government promoted the Salvadoran elections as marvels of democratic advance, under adverse conditions, while trying to undermine and discredit the Nicaraguan election as a sham, even though facts did not support claims of superiority of the former election. In the case of El Salvador, the U. S. government agenda stressed the importance and excellence of the election. They focused on the long lines of smiling voters, the size of the turnout, rebel opposition and alleged efforts at disruption. Additionally, they downplayed the absence of fundamental conditions of a free election, such as the freedoms of press and assembly; the ability of all groups to run candidates; and freedom from state terror and coercive threats. The idea that the American press was so quick to praise one and condemn the other is what Chomsky refers to as the ‘propaganda model’ of the mass media. The American government dictates the press into writing about what benefits the American government more so than writing about the truth. Is the Propaganda Model still relevant today? In their propaganda model, Herman and Chomsky present a series of five â€Å"filters† to account for why the dominant U. S. media invariably serve as propagandists for the interests of the elite. Only stories with a strong orientation to elite interests can pass through the five filters unobstructed and receive ample media attention. The model explains how the media can conscientiously function when even a superficial analysis of the evidence would indicate the preposterous nature of many of the stories that receive ample publicity in the press and on the network news broadcasts. However, what, if any of what Chomsky and Herman presented is still relevant today? The model was dubbed a conspiracy theory by many critics on both left and right although Herman says he and Chomsky had looked for structural factors as the only possible root of systematic behaviour and performance patterns. In defending ‘Manufacturing Consent: Political Economy of the Mass Media’, Noam Chomsky's collaborator Edward Herman says; â€Å"Institutional critiques such as we present in this book are commonly dismissed by establishment commentators as ‘conspiracy theories,' but this is merely an evasion. We do not use any kind of ‘conspiracy' hypothesis to explain mass-media performance. In fact, our treatment is much closer to a ‘free market' analysis, with the results largely an outcome of the workings of market forces.   Herman goes on to further explain how the model is not a conspiracy theory and relevant: â€Å"The propaganda model describes a decentralized and non-conspiratorial market system of control and processing, although at times the government or one or more private actors may take initiatives and mobilize co-ordinated elite handling of an issue. † The â€Å"propaganda model† has as little in common with a â€Å"conspiracy theoryâ €  as saying that the management of General Motors acts to maintain and increase its profits. As Chomsky notes,  Ã¢â‚¬Å"to confront power is costly and difficult; high standards of evidence and argument are imposed, and critical analysis is naturally not welcomed by those who are in a position to react vigorously and to determine the array of rewards and punishments. Conformity to a ‘patriotic agenda,' in contrast, imposes no such costs. †Ã‚  Meaning that  Ã¢â‚¬Å"conformity is the easy way, and the path to privilege and prestige†¦ It is a natural expectation, on uncontroversial assumptions, that the major media and other ideological institutions will generally reflect the perspectives and interests of established power.   [Necessary Illusions, pp. 8-9 and p. 10] So in totally ruling out the ‘conspiracy theory’ label, Herman writes that â€Å"the dramatic changes in the economy, the communications industries, and politics over the past dozen years have tended on balance to enhance the applicability of the propaganda model. The first two fil ters–ownership and advertising–have become ever more important. The decline of public broadcasting, the increase in corporate power and global reach, and the mergers and centralization of the media, have made bottom-line considerations more influential both in the United States and abroad. The competition for advertisers has become more intense and the boundaries between editorial and advertising departments have weakened further. Newsrooms have been more thoroughly incorporated into transnational corporate empires, with budget cuts and even less management enthusiasm for investigative journalism that would challenge the structure of power (Herman and McChesney, 1997). † What Herman is saying is that the journalists own voice has been reduced. The Internet and new communication technologies are breaking the corporate stranglehold on journalism somewhat and opening an unprecedented era of interactive democratic media. Some think that they permit media firms to shrink staff while achieving greater outputs and they make possible global distribution systems, thus reducing the number of media entities. Herman states â€Å"there are, by one conservative count, 20,000 more PR agents working to doctor the news today than there are journalists writing it. †Looking for more modern examples to see if ‘The propaganda model’ still applies Herman uses the media's treatment of the passage of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the subsequent Mexican crisis and meltdown of 1994-95. He states that â€Å"once again there was a sharp split between the preferences of ordinary citizens and the elite and business community, with polls consistently showing substantial majorities opposed to NAFTA — and to the bailout of investors in Mexican securities — but the elite in favour†. Media news coverage, selection of â€Å"experts,† and opinion columns were skewed accordingly; their judgment was that the benefits of NAFTA were obvious, agreed to by all qualified authorities, and that only demagogues and â€Å"special interests† were opposed. Labour has been under siege in the United States for the past fifteen years according to Herman, â€Å"but you would hardly know this from the mainstream media. † Using the example of the long Pittston miners’ strike to show â€Å"the propaganda model’s† relevance in a similar way to Nicaragua, Timor, Jerzy Popieluszko and so many of Chomsky and Herman other examples the strike was afforded much less attention than the strike of miners in the Soviet Union. The more recent examples to think of would be the American media coverage of the whole â€Å"war on terror† compared with most of the world’s media. Much of the world opposed the Iraq war and Americas invasions. In conclusion, the propositions put forward by Chomsky and Herman, such as the ‘five filters’ and their theories of mass media compared with worldwide media seem to be based on very solid ground, with a good foundation of case studies and research. The case study of Nicaragua being a prime example that backs up their studies in Manufacturing Consent. It is quite clear to see how the American media has filtered different stories and overall tried to sway people’s perceptions on the issue. The fact that the similar situation in El Salvador was so comparable proves a great basis to highlight Chomsky and Herman’s theories. Also when talking about if ‘the propaganda model’ is relevant today in which Herman talking on whether it is still relevant claims that â€Å"The applicability of the propaganda model in these and other cases seems clear. I agree that ‘the propaganda model’ is most certainly applicable today. To what extent remains to be seen through research, though I disagree that the internet has brought on an even greater level of control to mass media, although it is worth noting that the internet was a lot different back in the 90’s when Herman talked about it. | Bibliography http://www. chomsky. info/onchomsky/2002—-. htm http://ics. leeds. ac. uk/papers/vp01. cfm? outfi t=pmt&folder=30&paper=1227 The Social and Political Thought of Noam Chomsky  by Alison Edgley http://anarchism. pageabode. com/afaq/secD3. html http://www. chomsky. info/onchomsky/20031209. htm http://www. williamgbecker. com/nicaragua_1984_election. php http://www. chomsky. info/onchomsky/198901–. htm Washington's war on Nicaragua  by Holly Sklar http://www. williamgbecker. com/lasa_1984. pdf http://www. fifth-estate-online. co. uk/comment/Mullen_paper_FEO. pdf http://www. llc. manchester. ac. uk/research/projects/etrist/conferences/fileuploadmax10mb,169799,en. pdf